III. The Dalai Clique's Separatist Activities and the Central Government's Policy
How Does the Dalai Clique Carry Out His Separatist
Starting from the point of maintaining the unification of the motherland and national unity, the central government adopted an attitude of patient waiting towards the Dalai Lama after he fled abroad. His position as a vice-chairman of the NPC Standing Committee was preserved until 1964. However, surrounded by foreign anti-China forces and Tibetan separatists, the Dalai Lama completely renounced the patriotic stand which he once expressed and engaged in numerous activities to split the motherland.
-- Publicly advocating that "Tibet is an independent state." In June 1959, the Dalai Lama issued a statement in Mussoorie, India which read "Tibet had actually been independent." In March 1991, during his visit to Britain, the Dalai Lama told the press that Tibet "is the biggest occupied country in the world today." He proclaimed on many occasions that "the task of realizing the independence of Tibet has fallen upon all Tibetans in and outside Tibet."
-- Setting up the "government in exile." In the early 1960s,
the Dalai clique convened the "people's congress of Tibet" in
Dharamsala, India, which established the so-called
-- Reorganizing the armed rebel forces. In September 1960, the Dalai clique re-organized the "religion guards of the four rivers and six ranges" in Mustang, Nepal, which carried on military harassment activities along the Chinese border for ten years. Its first commander-in-chief Anzhugcang Goinbo Zhaxi wrote in his memoirs Four Rivers and Six Ranges that "a series of attacks were organized on Chinese outposts" and "sometimes, 100 or 200 Tibetan guerrillas went as far as 100 miles into the area occupied by the Chinese." The Dalai Lama wrote articles praising Goinbo Zhaxi.
-- Spreading rumors and calumnies and plotting riots. Ignoring facts,
the Dalai Lama fabricated numerous lies to sow dissension among the various
nationalities and incite the Tibetan people to oppose the central government
during his 30-year self-exile abroad. He said that "the 17-Article
Agreement was imposed on Tibet under armed force"; "the Hans
have massacred 1.2 million Tibetans"; "owing to Han immigration,
the Tibetans have become a minority in Tibet"; "the Communists
in Tibet force women to practice birth control and abortion"; the
government opposes religious freedom and persecutes religious people; traditional
Tibetan culture and art are in danger of extinction; the natural resources
in Tibet have been seriously depleted; there is severe environmental pollution
The Dalai's words and deeds have showed that he is no longer only a religious leader as he claims. On the contrary, he has become the political leader engaged in long-term divisive activities abroad.
'Tibetan Indepedence' Brooks No Discussion
The central government has adopted a consistent policy towards the Dalai Lama. It urges him to renounce separatism and return to the stand of patriotism and unity.
On December 28, 1978, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping said to AP correspondents that "the Dalai Lama may return, but only as a Chinese citizen"; "we have but one demand -- patriotism. And we say that anyone is welcome, whether he embraces patriotism early or late." This indicates the central government's attitude of welcoming the Dalai Lama back to the motherland.
The Dalai Lama sent representatives to Beijing to contact the central government on February 28, 1979. On March 12, Deng Xiaoping met the Dalai Lama's representatives and said to them, "The Dalai Lama is welcome to come back. He can go out again after his return." With regard to the central government's negotiation with the side of the Dalai Lama, Deng pointed out, "Now, whether the dialogue to discuss and settle problems will be between the central government and Tibet as a state or Tibet as a part of China? This is a practical question." "Essentially Tibet is a part of China. This is the criterion for judging right or wrong."
The central government did everything possible to persuade the Dalai
Lama and his followers, through negotiations, to give up their separatism
and return to the motherland. The
To satisfy the desire of both local and overseas Tibetans for visits and contacts, the central government has formulated and practiced the policy of free movement in and out of the country. It has also made clear that all patriots belong to one big family, whether they rally to the common cause now or later, and bygones can be bygones. From August 1979 to September 1980, central government departments concerned received three visiting delegations and two groups of relatives sent by the Dalai Lama. Most of the Dalai Lama's kin residing abroad have made return visits to China. Since 1979, Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited areas have received some 8,000 overseas Tibetans who came to visit relatives or for sightseeing, and helped settle nearly 2,000 Tibetan compatriots.
Regretfully, the Dalai Lama did not draw on the good will of the central
government. Instead, he further intensified his separatist activities.
At a meeting of the Human Rights Subcommittee of the US Congress held in
September 1987, the Dalai Lama put forward a "five-point proposal"
regarding the so-called status of Tibet. He continued to advocate "Tibetan
Independence," and instigate and plot a number of riots in Lhasa.
In June 1988, the Dalai Lama raised a so-called "Strasbourg proposal"
for the solution of the Tibet issue. On the premise that Tibet "had
always been" an independent state, the proposal interpreted the issue
of a regional national autonomy within a country as a relationship between
a suzerain and a vassal state, and between a protector and a protected
state, thus denying China's sovereignty over Tibet and advocating the independence
of Tibet in a disguised way. The central government naturally rejected
the proposal, because it was a conspiracy the imperialists once hatched
in order to carve up China. The Chinese government solemnly declared, "China's
Nevertheless, the central government still hopes that the Dalai Lama would rein in at the brink of the precipice and change his mind. In early 1989, the 10th Bainqen Lama passed away. Taking into account the historical religious ties between various generations of the Dalai Lama and the Bainqen Lama as teacher and student, the Buddhist Association of China, with the approval of the central government, invited the Dalai Lama to come back to attend the Bainqen Lama's memorial ceremonies. President Zhao Puchu of the association handed a letter of invitation to a personal representative of the Dalai Lama, providing the Dalai Lama with a good opportunity to meet with people in the Buddhist circles in China after 30 years of exile. But the Dalai Lama rejected the invitation.
As 1989 witnessed a new international anti-China wave, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee in Norway, with clearly political motives, awarded the 1989 Nobel Peace Prize to the Dalai Lama, giving its strong support to the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan separatists. Since then, the Dalai Lama has travelled the world, advocating Tibet's separation from China.
The Dalai Lama simultaneously intensified his efforts to incite and plot riots in Tibet. On January 19, 1990, he said over the BBC: If the Beijing government fails to hold talks with him on his plan of Tibet's autonomy within a year, he will have to change his stand of compromise with China; many young Tibetans stand for the use of force. On April 4, 1991, the Dalai Lama said in the Tibetan language program of the Voice of America, "All matters shall be further strengthened for Tibet's independence." Again on October 10 the same year, he tried instigation in a similar program, "At present, so large a number of Hans are pouring into Tibet that many young Tibetans cannot find jobs. This adds a further element of instability in the Tibetan society. Therefore, new riots are quite possible."
It is because the Dalai Lama sticks to his position of "Tibetan independence" and continues his efforts to split the motherland in and outside China that contacts between the central government and the representatives of the Dalai Lama have yielded no results.
In an interview with Xinhua News Agency reporters on May 19, 1991, on the eve of the 40th anniversary of Tibet's peaceful liberation, Premier Li Peng of the State Council of the People's Republic of China pointed out, "The central government's policy towards the Dalai Lama has been consistent and remains unchanged. We have only one fundamental principle, namely, Tibet is an inalienable part of China. On this fundamental issue there is no room for haggling. The central government has always expressed its willingness to have contact with the Dalai Lama, but he must stop activities to split the motherland and change his position for 'Tibetan independence.' All matters except 'Tibetan independence' can be discussed."
The central government is willing to contact and negotiate with the
Dalai Lama; the door remains open. The central government's policy towards
the Dalai Lama is also clear. To be responsible for the history, the Chinese
nation and its 1.1 billion people, including the Tibetan people, the central
government will make not the slightest concession on the fundamental issue
of maintaining the motherland's unification. Any activity attempting to
realize "Tibetan independence" and split the motherland by relying
on foreign forces is an ignominious move betraying the motherland and the
whole Chinese nation including the Tibetan nationality. The central government
resolutely denounces this kind of action and will never allow it to succeed.
The central government will continue to implement a series of special policies
and preferential measures to promote the construction and development of
Tibet so as to enhance national unity, construct a prosperous economy,
enrich culture and improve the people's livelihood. Any activity
So long as the Dalai Lama can give up his divisive stand and admit that Tibet is an inalienable part of China, the central government is willing to hold talks at any time with him. The Dalai Lama is warmly welcome to return to the embrace of the motherland at an early date and do some work that is conducive to maintaining the motherland's unification, the national unity, as well as the affluent and happy lives of the Tibetan people.